The American Cancer Society has purposely nurtured the big lie that their assault on tobacco is a grossly unequal fight against enormously powerful tobacco companies, with the ACS pretending to be David: "From then on, the tobacco companies perceived the American Cancer Society as the enemy [Note - but supposedly not vice-versa!] It is no exaggeration to use the David/Goliath analogy. The ACS had several powerful people on its board [Note - only some of the most powerful figures in banking, advertising, and the entertainment industry, to note a few], but never had been supported by industry in general. The tobacco companies represented a $6,182,000,000 industry with enormous political influence. Tobacco is a cash crop in sixteen states and dominates the economy in at least two -- North Carolina and Kentucky. Tobacco-supported congressmen are generally reelected time after time [as are they all!], and therefore had seniority on key committees. They gave the tobacco companies enormous political clout. Tobacco influence extended to all communications media because of the huge collective advertising budgets of the tobacco companies. They were also beginning to diversify, to buy up other industries, whose economic power pyramided that of tobacco. In short, the Society had taken on a formidable opponent with resources and influence far greater than anything it could muster. It had one powerful resource: the link between smoking and ill health, which was growing stronger every day." (From "Crusade: The Official History of the American Cancer Society," by Walter Ross. Arbor House Publishing Co., 1987.)
FACT: The tobacco companies have always been mere milch cows of the secret power elite that rules the US. They engineered the anti-smoking persecution in order to loot billions of extra dollars from smokers under the false pretext of economic damages. That is why they let the anti-smokers get away with perjury about health risks, and purposely threw the state tobacco lawsuits by settling when it appeared they were winning. And, the media have never told the public that Mary Woodard Lasker's stepson, Edward Lasker, was a director of Philip Morris from 1960 to 1980.
Ralph Moss, in his book, "The Cancer Industry," Ch. 17, "The Cancer Establishment, exposes the Lasker Lobby's political connections: "If Bobst spoke for the Society in Republican administrations, Mrs. Lasker was familiar with and at ease amid the heirs of the New Deal... Bobst and Lasker introduced the most advanced Madison Avenue techniques into fund-raising. Bobst ran it 'like a business with a well-planned 'sales' campaign' (Bobst, 1973). "Dollars flooded the treasurer's office,' an ACS writer recollects, finally totalling more than $280,000 from a single story in Readers' Digest" (ACS, 1965).
"...The press has been carefully cultivated, an art [Albert] Lasker practiced in the 1920s, when he used his clients' clout to influence stories or even, it is said, 'to suppress... newspaper material hostile to [Lasker's] aims' (Lundberg, 1937).
"About three decades ago, Patrick McGrady, Sr., the Society's science editor, initiated national tours of cancer laboratories for science writers. When these became too crowded, in 1958 he initiated the Science Writers' Seminar. Originally a chance for leading science writers to meet prominent researchers in a congenial setting, McGrady came to believe the seminars became a 'medium of self-serving propaganda' for the ACS (cited in Chowka 1978c).
"So successful has been this media cultivation that the Associated Press once ran an ACS publicity piece as a ten-part 'objective' news series on cancer, without acknowledgement of its origin within the Society.
"Asked about the propriety of this, a top Associated Press executive replied, "I never considered the ACS to be a political organization... That's just like saying God is political" (Bloom, 1979).
"The Society is a power among researchers in the United States. Approximately one-quarter of its more than $300 million income is spent on research. As the number of applications has increased, the Society has been able to pick and choose among those research projects submitted. For example, in 1978, 1,912 scientists requested over $160 million in funds from the ACS. The Society awarded about $40 million to 639 of them. By 1987, the number of requests had risen to 2,385 and the Society was disbursing over $77 million to only 810 of them for research (ACS, 1988). Scientists thus must be responsive to the goals and thinking of the Society if they expect to be funded in this competitive situation. Conversely, although no strings are attached to these grants, ACS's wishes can often be translated into the direction of the research (ACS, 1979).
"ACS grants go out to most of the major research institutions in the country, and many around the world. One year (1978), some of the biggest recipients included the University of California, with 54 projects totaling almost $3 million; Sloan-Kettering, with 25 grants totaling $1.5 million; Yale University, which received 18 grants worth $1.3 million; and Yeshiva University in New York, which was given 17 grants woth in excess of $1 million. Cancer research laboratories in Switzerland, England, Scotland, and Israel spread the Society's influence abroad. In addition, the Society spent $375,000 in 1978 to support Eleanor Roosevelt-ACS International Cancer Fellowships (ibid.).
By 1987 the various branches of the University of California were receiving $7.4 million for 69 projects. The University of Texas, with 36 awards, got $3.6 million. And Memorial Sloan-Kettering (including the Walker Laboratory in Rye, New York) came in third with 29 grants and fellowships worth nearly $3 million. In addition, grants were made to laboratories in England and France and to the International Union Against Cancer (ACS, 1988). "The ACS also supports twenty-five prominent scientists around the world in what is known as its Research Professorship Program, a lifetime stipend that frees these individuals to spend their full time on cancer research (ibid.).
"The Society has numerous committees and holds many seminars and panels. By incorporating leading cancer specialists into these bodies, the ACS has involved the medical profession in its administrative and fund-raising apparatus, and made many of them committed to the Society's success. Many of those who have served on ACS committees have also benefited -- either personally or institutionally -- from the Society's largess (Chowka, 1978c).
"Mary Lasker, the longtime honorary chairman of the ACS, who continues on as an honorary life member, has been considered by some the 'most powerful person in modern medicine' (Medical Dimensions, March 1976). Veteran science writer Barbara J. Cullitan called the National Cancer Act 'Mrs. Lasker's War' (Harper's, June 1976).
"The days are gone when a cancer specialist would think of opposing the leadership of his field by businessmen, bankers, and advertising people. The Society now has tens of millions of dollars to those who favor its hegemony, and many powerful connections to disconcert those who oppose it."
"In terms of dollars the most powerful force in the cancer field is the National Cancer Institute, which has the primary responsibility for funding the so-called war on cancer. NCI's budget in 1978 was $910 million, most of which was spent in support of scientists at various institutions. By 1988 that had increased to almost $1.5 billion.
"Although NCI is larger than either Memorial Sloan-Kettering or the American Cancer Society, it is not as powerful as either. In fact, historically, the smaller private organizations have interlocked with the federal giant and guide its thinking on many matters.
"...NCI's budget skyrocketed from $600,000 per year in 1946 to $92 million in 1960. It was no secret that Mary Lasker and the ACS were largely responsible for this phenomenal growth (Strickland, 1971). ACS influence within NCI grew proportionally.
"'The Cancer Society and the National Cancer Institute work as partners,' Dr. John R. Heller, former director of NCI, declared in 1960. 'The Director of the Institute is a member of the board of directors of the American Cancer Society, and the scientific advisory committees of both organizations interlock'" (Richard Carter, 1961:142).
"In the 1970s NCI's funds quadrupled, as a result of the 'war on cancer' legislation. Passage of the National Cancer Act of 1971 increased ACS (and MSKCC) influence over the Institute." And Moss lists the Lasker Syndicate membership and ACS/MSKCC affiliations of the framers and panel members of the post-1971 National Cancer Act NCI.Ralph Moss, "The Cancer Industry" / Ralph Moss.com
From "Cancer Crusade: The Story of the National Cancer Act of 1971, by Richard Rettig (1977, Princeton University Press, pp. 33-34): "The budget prospects for NIH in fiscal 1971, moreover, appeared as bleak as the previous year... Most of the NIH research institutes, especially those supporting basic research, faced further budget reductions. The acute distress being experienced by the life-science community was diagnosed in clinical detail in February by three NIH officials. The implied prescription was more money, but prospects for therapy being administered in a timely manner were not good.
"The National Cancer Institute fared much better than did the NIH as a whole. The 1971 budget request was for $202 million, up $20 million over the expected appropriation for fiscal 1970. But Mary Lasker was not satisfied. She invited Robert Marston and Robert Berliner to luncheon at Deeda Blair's home in March. Cryptically, as the two NIH officials were leaving, she asked, 'You don't mind if we get you some more money for cancer, do you?' Neither man quite knew what she had in mind. What she had in mind became more apparent when the House appropriations subcommittee, in July, recommended $227 million for NCI. The Senate, three months later, recommended $235 million. The fiscal 1971 appropriations bill, signed into law on Jan. 11, 1971, represented a compromise of $230 million."Richard Rettig, "Cancer Crusade" / National Academy Press
Many of the members of the Scientific Advisory Board of the tobacco industry-funded Council for Tobacco Research were also officals of the American Cancer Society; its preecessor, the American Society for the Control of Cancer; or its foreign puppet, the International Union for the Control of Cancer (UICC). They included McKeen Cattell, Kenneth M. Lynch, Edwin B. Wilson, William U. Gardner, Roswell K. Boutwell, Wolfgang K. Joklik, and Peter K. Vogt. Numerous other received grants from the ACS. And, Mary Woodard Lasker was an old acquaintance of CTR Director Clarence Cook Little, dating from their days together in the birth control movement in the 1930s.
So, the anti-smokers' obsession with supposed tobacco industry
influence is really just a smokescreen to blot out any awareness that
smokers themselves might be unhappy about their persecution. It
operates in tandem with their media accomplices' lionization of the
snivelings of stupid, ignorant, and credulous smokers who regurgitate
the anti-smokers' lies, while censoring informed smokers' advocates. It
is a deliberate conspiracy to eliminate dissent against the Syndicate's
agenda, and to disenfranchise over 50 million people to achieve their
goal of outlawing tobacco.
"You are the greatest and most effective private voluntary health organization in the world, a lesson for all who would learn the power of volunteer commitment.
"In my own case, I know that the American Cancer Society was involved. One way I can return the favor is by saying - thanks, thanks for the rest of my life.
"I am proud of your total independence - you don't take a dime from federal, state or local governments. Your research and all your other great work that has rolled back cancer is done through volunteer contributions of money, time and dedication. (President Ronald Reagan, Annual Meeting of the American Cancer Society, November 5, 1985.)
"When I asked my husband for money for the American Cancer Society to do research, he said, "No, I'm not going to give you any money" -- although he did. But he said, "The place to get money is the federal government." And I said, "I don't know anything about the government." And he said, "There are unlimited funds. I'll show you how to get them." (Interview with Mary Lasker.)
"Says Dr. Michael B. Shimkin of the University of California School of Medicine at San Diego, who worked at the National Cancer Institute from 1938 to 1963:
"'The Lasker fortune could have established a research institution, along the format of the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research. But Albert Lasker thought in bigger terms of involving the national treasury through appropriations. And the way to that goal was to organize a lobby for biomedical research allocations. The Society represented a ready-made lobby group that already extended into the National Advisory Cancer Council of the National Cancer Institute. (MB Shimkin, "As Memory Serves: Six Essays on a Personal Involvement with the National Cancer Institute, 1938 to 1978." NIH Publication no. 83-2217 (Washington DC: US Government Printing Office, 1983), p. 38.)
How much of that conservative belief in the efficacy of "volunteers" is based on the delusion that the American Cancer Society, et al., are "volunteers" who "don't take a dime from federal, state or local governments?" It so happens that we in the smokers' rights movement are true volunteers, who have never gotten a penny from the government for our work. See how much efficacy we enjoy, as the Republican Party joins with the Democratic Party in showering financial blessings - and undeserved praise - upon our enemies!
In short, the US Congress has always been the Lasker Syndicate's whorehouse. The American Cancer Society has controlled the National Cancer Institute ever since its founding in 1937, and Congress has poured billions upon billions of tax dollars into the hands of these health fascist ideologues. The ACS and its cronies have defined the nation's health policy, while the tobacco companies have involved themselves only with narrowly defined business interests, of the type of which any industry placed in similar circumstances could be expected to be concerned, such as the labeling of their product. And the Lasker Syndicate's media propaganda machine has gotten away with portraying this normal functioning of democracy as illegitimate, and the Syndicate's dictatorship as beyond reproach.The Lasker Syndicate Roots of the Conspiracy Against Tobacco
By 1947, the Cancer Society could boast, through pollster
Gallup, that "The public's most dreaded diseases show no close relation
with bureau of census figures on actual causes of death. The five
leading causes in 1945 were: heart diseases responsible for 424,328
deaths; cancer and malignant tumors (177,464); strokes and cerebral
hemorrhages, etc. (120,144), nephritis (88,078) and pneumonia and
influenza (68,386)." When a national cross section of adults was asked,
"What disease or illness would you dread having most?" 57% feared
cancer, 15% tuberculosis, 5% heart trouble, 5% infantile paralysis, 2%
venereal diseases, 15% other, 4% no answer don't know, 2% none. A poll
the previous year found that 87 percent of voters approved the
Neely-Pepper bill to appropriate $100,000,000 for cancer research and
control. (Cancer Is Dreaded By Public Above All Other Diseases. By
George Gallup, Director, American Institute of Puiblic Opinion,
Princeton, N.J. La Crosse Tribune, Aug. 20, 1947.)
"Clifton R. Read, a retired media and information director of
American Cancer Society, died on Sunday at Charlotte Hungerford
Hospital in Torrington, Conn. He was 86 and lived in Cornwall Bridge,
Conn. The cause of death was heart failure, the society said. Mr. Read,
a native of St. Paul, was a history honors graduate of Princeton
University and worked in New York as a radio writer and publicity
representative for the American Civil Liberties Union during the
Depression. In 1936 he became the first publicity director of the
American Society for the Control of Cancer. In
World War II
he served with the Office of War Information in New York and with the
Psychological Warfare Branch in the Mediterranean
added]. After the war he established and directed a United States
Information Service center in Belgrade, Yugoslavia. He rejoined the
reorganized American Cancer Society in 1948 and was named national
publicity director the next year. He built up a staff of broadcast,
science and news writers and directed educational campaigns against
smoking, for Pap tests, for breast self-examination and for early
diagnosis. He retired in 1972. He is survived by his wife, the former
Alice Winslow Meade; two daughters, Alison Read of Greater Barrington,
Mass., and Sheila Botein of Washington, and two granddaughters."
(Clifton R. Read, 86, A Publicity Director. New York Times, Feb. 2,
1994.) He was a radio writer for NBC and program manager for WEVD
before the war. His first wife was Paula O'Connell. (Clifton R. Read
'29, Princeton Alumni Weekly.)
CLIFTON R. READ Vice President for
Public Education and Information. Radio Writing and Publicity
(1930-35); Publicity Director, American Society, Control of Cancer
(1936-41); Office of War Information, New York, Algiers, Belgrade
(1941-46). Rejoined ACS in 1945." (1966 House of Delegates and Board of
Cancer Society Inc., p. 39; Read Retires. ACS Press Release, Oct. 25, 1972.)
The Office of War Information, headed by William
J. Donovan, wasn't officially created
until June 1942; however, the National
Research Center (NORC) was created by the OWI in 1941.
Health in 1967 decreed the agenda which the anti-smoking movement has
followed for the last four decades - including brainwashing techniques
explicitly aimed at "making smoking socially unacceptable."
"The Conference grew out of efforts under Alton Ochsner, M.D., longtime
pioneer against cigarettes [and longtime ACS activist], to set up an
international congress. Originally a congress was scheduled for June of
1966 and later for June of 1967. Finally the organizing committee
headed by Dr. Ochsner sought the support of the American Cancer
Society, which agreed to manage the meeting, with the National
Interagency Council on Smoking and Health as sponsor. The Conference
was financed by the American Cancer Society, The American
Association, the Boys Club of America, the National
Association [predecessor of the American Lung Association], and the
U.S. Public Health Service, Department of Health, Education, and
"Sixty-one reporters from magazines, newspapers, television
radio covered the meeting. Daily and weekend stories, and many magazine
articles, appeared throughout the country and abroad. Delegates from
individual countries held press conferences for their own national
journalists. The Columbia Broadcasting System, the National
Broadcasting Company, and the American
Company covered large segments of the meeting under bright
that were the despair of many delegates. ABC's 'Issues and Answers' did
a final roundup. One of the early goals, to focus public attention and to
on cigarette smoking [emphasis added], was certainly
Joseph Clark, ACS Press Chief, handled the press room." Surgeon General
Luther Terry was the honorary chairman.
One of their phony newsmakers was John F. Banzhaf, half-truthully described as "the plaintiff whose letter to the Federal Communications Commission became the occasion for the ruling that the Fairness Doctrine be extended to advertising" - that is, after the F.C.C. was stacked by the political pull of Mary W. Lasker and her cronies. Banzhaf's "news" consisted of whining about the health agencies for not going to court against the F.C.C. "Reporters and TV cameramen were fascinated as he flailed at the health agencies and the National Interagency Council... Generally ignored by the media was the fact that the Federal Communications Commission's own strong law department and the Department of Justice seem able to defend the fairness ruling without help from voluntary health agencies." This is open gloating about a successful disinformation scam!
"Social functions included a pleasant and crowded opening
as the guests of Emerson Foote, Mrs. Albert D. Lasker, and Sol Baker,
M.D., at the Carnegie Endowment Internatrional Center, opposite the
United Nations, and smaller cocktail parties for those from outside of
the United States given by Mrs. Lester D. Robbins and Mrs. William G.
Maguire and the New York Heart Association. A most successful bus tour
of New York was organized by Mrs. Merle A. Gulick for wives of visitors
and a luncheon for them was held at the Equitable Life Assurance
Society of the United States. Mrs. Robbins, Mrs. Maguire, and Mrs.
Gulick are volunteers with the New York City Division of the American
principal role for government, a chief exemplar, was seen by all the
work groups who looked to their governments for more generous financial
support for cigarette control and research and for scientific and
political leadership [emphasis added] ..." Ironically,
major goals included "Development of low tar and nicotine tobacco" and
"Research in filtration (without implying that a 'safe' cigarette is
possible)" for which the anti-smokers condemn the
tobacco industry as "deceiving
the public." In fact, the American
headed by former former Army Intelligence officer Ernst L. Wynder and
funded largely by
the National Cancer Institute, held a virtual monopoly on that field of
"...The Planning Committee solved its problems in eight well-attended meetings held from August 2, 1966 to September 7, 1967 under Sol R. Baker, MD., Chairman, ACS Committee on Tobacco and Cancer. The Planning Committee, in addition to Dr. Baker, included Dr. John Cooper, Associate Executive Secretary, American Association for Health, Physical Education and Recreation; Nathaniel H. Cooper, M.D., Director, Community Program, American Heart Association; Thomas R. Dawber, M.D., Associate Professor of Medicine, Boston University Medical Center; Dewitt C. Daughtry, M.D., Miami, Fla. ; Harold S. Diehl, M.D., Vice President, ACS and of Interagency Council; Dr. William Ellena, Associate Secretary, American Association of School Administrators; Dr. Daniel Horn, Director, National Clearinghouse on Smoking & Health; Sol Lifson, Director, Education, Public Relations and Materials Development, National Tuberculosis Association; Clifton R. Read, Secretary; and James L. Troupin, M.D. Director of Professional Education, the American Public Health Association. Emerson Foote, former advertising executive and former head Of the Interageney Council, presided at the first luncheon." (First World Conference Calls For Action On Many Fronts Against Cigarettes. By Clifton R. Read. Cancer News, 1967 Winter, pp. 3-10.)Cancer News, 1967 Winter / UCSF Legacy (pdf, 8 pp)
Future ETS study author Takeshi Hirayama was a participant.
of the World Conference on Smoking and Health, Sep. 11-13, 1967.)
The agenda: "Work Group 9: Government Action and Legislation" (Chapter VII, Proceedings of the World Conference on Smoking and Health.)1. Product and Dosage Control
"The World Conference on Smoking and Health was attended by 511 persons from Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Norway, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Rumania, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, Turkey, United Kingdom, Venezuela, Yugoslavia, and from 42 states of the United States." Sir George E. Godber and Lawrence Garfinkel were among them.Chapter VII, Proceedings of the World Conference on Smoking and Health / UCSF (pdf, 27 pp)
Work Group 9 included John F. Banzhaf III; Dr. Vsevolod Bilyk,
Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, Roumania; Lester
Breslow MD, California State Department of Public Health;
Carr MD, Mayo Clinic; Branko Cebin, Onkoloski Institut, Yugoslavia;
Nils Christie, University of Oslo, Norway; Johannes Clemnesen, Finsen
Institute, Denmark; Carlos Diaz Coller MD MPH, Pan American Health
Organization/WHO; Howard Ennes, Executive Vice President Equitable Life
Assurance Society; Gosta W. Funke, Chairman National Smoking &
Health Association, Sweden; Bohdan Ganicky MD, Ministry of Health,
Czechoslovakia; Leo F. Gerber, Ohio Division ACS; Eugene H. Guthrie,
Associate Surgeon General; Clarence A. Imboden Jr. MD, National Center
for Chronic Disease Control; Hollis S. Ingraham MD, New York State
Commissioner of Health; Gyrogy Karpati MD, Ministry of Health, Hungary;
Sidney R. Katz, Executive Director Beth-El Center; Albert C. Kolbye MD,
Staff Director of the National Clearinghouse for Smoking and Health;
William B. Lewis, Vice Chairman of the American Cancer Society; Berwyn
F. Mattison, Executive Director of the American Public Health
Association; Marilyn J. Mitchell of Cambridge, Mass.; P.J. Murray of
the Department of Health, Dublin, Ireland; Clyde L. Ogg of the U.S.
Department of Agriculture; Leo Noro, Institute of Occupational Health,
Finland; Dr. Stanley Reiser, William L. Ross, US Public Health Service;
Harvard University; Mefford R. Runyon, former Executive Vice President
ACS; David D. Rutstein MD, Harvard Medical School; Dr. Ernst Schedy,
Bundesministerium fur soziale Verwaltung, Austria; H. Carl Smith,
National Congress of Parents and Teachers; Edward J. Speno, New York
State Senator; Charles F. Tate Jr. MD, Miami, Fla.; Wallace F. Toronto,
Utah Division ACS; James L. Troupin MD, American Public Health
Association; Prof. Carlo Vetere, Ministry of Health, Italy; John T.
Walden, Assistant to Associate Surgeon General; and Nina Woodside MD,
Bureau of Chronic Disease Control.
Participants at the World Conference on Smoking and Health, 1967 (transcribed)
WILLIAM B. LEWIS* New York, N. Y.; Director-at-Large (1952-). Board Chairman, Kenyon & Eckhardt, Inc. ACS Vice Board Chairman (1963-) Former Assistant Director, Domestic Branch; Former Chief, Domestic Radio Bureau, Office of War Information [emphasis added]. Former Vice President in Charge of Programs, Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc." (1966 House of Delegates and Board of Directors. American Cancer Society Inc.)ACS Board of Directors 1966 / UCSF (pdf, 43 pp)
His original name was Wilbur. "Raised in St. Louis, he had
the University of Missouri, but disagreements with his stepfather
prompted him in the mid-1920s to quit college and leave home to tackle
New York City. After ten years in various advertising agencies he and a
friend decided to start a new agency, but at the last moment the friend
pulled out, and Lewis launched a disaster. Fortunately his wife had a
job and kept him afloat, but he had to liquidate the firm and look for
work." He was an admirer of William S. Paley and wrote a long letter
which he mailed to Paley's home address. Paley's assitant at CBS
supposedly mistakenly put it among the short list of applicants for the
position of CBS program chief. One of his big projects was "The Fall of
the City," by Archibald MacLeish, S&B 1915, a prophetic play
broadcast in 1937 about a city of free people who meekly accept
subjugation to a hollow conqueror without putting up a fight - much
subjugation to the American Cancer Society. "For reasons not specified,
the people of this city anticipate - perhaps even welcome - subjugation
by an approaching conqueror. Trembling at his approach, some accept the
inevitability of their enslavement... At the end of the play, the
armor-clad figure of the conquering leader dominates the plaza. The
people prostrate themselves before him. His visor opens, but the people
do not see it. The Announcer sees it. In the space beyond is nothing.
The helmet is hollow. Seeing the great crowd prostrate before the empty
armor, the horrified Announcer murmurs: 'They wish to be free of their
freedom: released from their liberty: - The long labor of liberty
ended! They lie there! . . ." (The Golden Web. By Erik
Barnouw. Oxford University Press, 1968.)
Fifteen writers resigned from the OWI in 1943, charging that
impossible for them to tell the "full truth" and that "domestic
activities of the OWI were controlled by 'high-pressure promoters who
prefer slick salesmanship to honest information.'" They criticized
Gardner Cowles Jr.,
operations, and his two main assistants, James Allen and William B.
Lewis, "but especially Mr. Lewis." "Mr. Cowles is a member of the
family which publishes the Des Moines Register and Tribune, The
Minneapolis Star-Journal, Tribune and Times, and the magazine Look. Mr.
Allen was in charge of public relations, first for the Securities and
Exchange Commission, and then for the Department of Justice, before
joining the OWI. Mr. Lewis is a former vice president of the Columbia
Broadcasting System." The writers were said to have come from the
former Office of Facts and Figures, headed by Archibald MacLeish [Skull
& Bones 1915]. (Writers Who Quit OWI Charge It Bars 'Full
For 'Ballyhoo.' By Lewis Wood. New York Times, Apr. 16, 1943.)
"[I]n 1957, the Board of Directors of the [American Cancer]
Ad Hoc Committee on Smoking and Health. Its members were: Dr. Warren H.
Cole, of the University of Illinois College of Medicine; Dr. John R.
Heller, then Director of the National Cancer Institute; Dr.
Dr. Ernest L. Stebbins, of Johns Hopkins University; Dr. Howard C.
Taylor, Jr., Professor and Chairman of the Department of
Gynecology, Columbia University College of Physicians and Surgeons;
Rutherford L. Ellis, Chairman of the Board of Lipscomb-Ellls Co.,
Atlanta, Ga.; William B. Lewis, Chairman of the Board of Kenyon
Eckhardt, Inc., New York City; Monroe J. Rathbone, President and
Director of Standard Oil of New Jersey; Dr. Ira DeA. Reid, Professor of
Sociology, Haverford College, and Frank
L. Taylor, Executive Vice
President and Director of the New York Herald Tribune [CIA
connections]. The Society
reafflrmed the importance of presenting basic findings on the link
between cigarettes and lung cancer to the public. The Board authorized
production of suitable educational materials, including materials
designed specifically for high school and college students, and
authorized a one-year study of the smoking habits of teen-agers in the
Portland, Oregon, school system which would involve nearly 22,000 high
school students. Action followed. In December of 1957, the Society
began distribution of its leaflet, 'To Smoke Or Not To Smoke.'" (The
Position of the American Cancer Society Regarding Tobacco and Lung
Cancer. To the City Editor [form letter]. American Cancer Society News
Service, Jan. 7, 1964, p. 11.)
Dogs" Hoax -
ACS researchers Dr. Oscar Auerbach and Dr. E. Cuyler Hammond claimed to
have produced lung cancer among 12 out of 84 dogs which smoked through
tracheostomies. Lewis refused to release their data. The New England
Journal of Medicine and the Journal of the American Medical Association
returned the work for revision. Auerbach and Hammond later reduced the
claimed number of lung cancers to two. The Archives of Environmental
Health was to have published it. ("Smoking Dogs"--Case History of An
Attack On Advertising That Failed. Prepared for the Staff of
Advertising Age. The Tobacco Institute, Nov. 1970 [a chronology with
Later that year, Lewis demanded that the American Cancer
free advertising in the mass media. He praised Reader's Digest, the New
Yorker, Good Housekeeping, The Saturday Review, National Geographic and
Scholastic Magazines, the Boston Globe and the Trenton Times for
barring all cigarette advertising. (Cancer Society Seeks Free Ads. By
Robert D. McFadden. New York Times, Nov. 7, 1970.)
Lewis's first job was as an advertising representative at the
Walter Thompson Company. "In 1935 he became commercial advertising
representative for the Columbia Broadcasting System. In late 1936, he
became head of all CBS programs and the network's youngest vice
president." He took a leave of absence in 1941 to become chief of the
radio division of the Office of Facts and Figures. When this was merged
with the Office of War Information, he was named chief of the domestic
radio bureau. He returned to CBS later during the war, then joined
Kenyon & Eckhardt in 1944 as vice president in charge of radio.
was president from 1951 to 1960, and retired in 1967. "After his
retirement from the agency, Mr. Lewis became board chairman of the
American Cancer Society, which he had served in various capacities
since 1953." He was a graduate of the University of Missouri School of
Journalism. (William B. Lewis, Headed Ad Agency. New York Times, Feb.
Also serving in the OWI was John
R. Latham, former president of American Cigarette and Cigar
Co. and the creator of American Tobacco's 'Sold American!' radio jingle
the 1930s, who created the Philip Morris country music radio show
during the 1950s.
Remember, in the
first place, that
these corrupt hucksters are polling people who've been systematically
deceived by the anti-smoker-controlled mass
media, who lie
that lifestyle questionnaires are
science, keep them ignorant about how the anti-smokers' studies falsely
blame smoking for diseases caused by infection, spew the Hitler-like Big Lie that smoking is an
economic burden, and
fabricate a phony Potemkin Village pretense of "democracy" using only hand-picked lackeys.
"[Edward] Lazarus and his partner, Mark Mellman, did their
political poll in New Haven in 1981, when both were Ph.D. candidates in
department at Yale University [emphasis added]. It paid
The partnership had just three clients in 1982. But in 1984, when
Lazarus and Mellman decided to do political polling full time, billings
rose to about $250,000. This year, the firm, which has five employees,
expects its billings to exceed $1 million... What do the campaigns get
for their money? In most cases, unless the campaign is just looking for
the numbers, a pollster becomes a key member of the campaign's strategy
team. The pollster's job is not only to administer the poll and
accumulate the data but also to interpret that data and infuse that
interpretation into an overall strategy." (There's Big Money To Be Made
in Polls. San Francisco Chronicle, Feb 12, 1988.) "Mark Mellman got his
start in the politics of polling as a graduate student at Yale. In
1981, Connecticut congressional candidate Bruce Morrison asked for
Mellman's help on his campaign. The Democrat went on to win, and
Mellman went to Washington, D.C., to form Information Associates, which
became incorporated as The Mellman Group in 1986. The firm specializes
in polling and focus groups for Democratic candidates and progressive
organizations, as well as corporate and government clients. It performs
research for candidates to see which messages will get through to
voters. The group also performs public opinion surveys for corporations
and interest groups, sometimes teaming with Republican polling firms
such as Public Opinion Strategies. (Consultant Profile Mark Mellman
(The Mellman Group). By Chris Landers. The Center for Public Integrity,
Sep. 26, 2006.) Mark Mellman is a native of Ohio. (Ohio Democrats May
Have to Look for Help in Congress. By Jonathan Riskind. Columbus
Dispatch, Nov. 22, 1998.)
The Mellman group has been a polling lobby for the American
Society since at least 1998, when Mark Mellman claimed that including
the phrases "raising taxes" and "creating new bureaucracies" in the
tobacco industry's poll on the McCain
bill to raise the federal
cigarette tax by $1.10 and impose FDA regulation supposedly "clearly
biases the question" [while leaving them out supposedly would not], and
sneered that the tobacco companies "have a pretty good history of
buying the results they want, whether it's in politics or cancer
research" - notwithstanding that the tobacco industry has never
questioned the anti-smokers' lies and fraud, so the only purpose that
their polls could serve is merely to measure how well the unopposed
hate propaganda campaign is brainwashing the public. (Tobacco
Supporters Admit: Anti-Smoking Bill Will Pass. By Bill Adair. St.
Petersburg Times, May 19, 1998.) [Note: the trumpeted bill later
failed. (Political Fallout From Tobacco Bill's Failure Is Unclear.
Advocacy Institute News, Jun. 18, 1998).]
The Mellman Group conducted a poll on "Smoke-Free Laws in
on behalf of the American Cancer Society. The purpose of the poll was
nothing but anti-smoking political propaganda, and pollsters'
"expertise" reportedly consisted of hanging up on those who opposed the
smoking ban so they could fabricate the product their client wanted.
(Smoke-Free Laws in Wisconsin, Aug. 3, 2006.)
The Mellman Group did a similar poll on raising the cigarette
Connecticut in 2002. (Poll: Connecticut Voters Favor Tobacco Control
Measures. Press Release, American Cancer Society, Feb. 25, 2002.)
"Nathan Henry is a Senior Analyst at The Mellman Group. He has
conducted surveys, focus group research and Media-PULSE analysis for a
wide range of political clients, including the Democratic Presidential
candidate John Kerry, the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee,
Senate Democratic Leader Harry Reid, Senator Frank
Lautenberg, Congressmen Jim Langevin, Ben Chandler and Artur
Governor Brian Schweitzer, and Milwaukee Mayor John Norquist. In
addition to his political work, Henry has done extensive research on
tobacco-control issues, including dozens of surveys and focus groups on
tobacco taxes, clean-indoor air laws and FDA regulation of
tobacco. His clients in this realm include the Campaign for
Tobacco-Free Kids, the Robert Woods
Foundation and numerous state anti-tobacco coalitions...
working at The Mellman Group, Henry served as Field Director on two
Congressional campaigns in Wisconsin, and as a finance assistant on a
US Senate campaign in Delaware. He also served as a policy
advisor and legislative aide for former Representative Doris Hanson in
the Wisconsin State Assembly, working primarily on issues dealing with
the state budget, tax policy and the state’s budget stabilization, or
“rainy day” fund. Originally from Wilmington, Delaware, Henry graduated
Phi Beta Kappa from the University of Wisconsin-Madison with a degree
in Political Science, and studied at Eötvös Loránd
University in Budapest, Hungary, where he researched post-communist
social and economic transformations in former Soviet-bloc
countries. While in Hungary, Henry helped edit and organize a
publication called “Fortifying the Foundations” for the Institute of
International Education, which detailed the activities of US-funded
NGOs involved in the democratization process in Central and Eastern
Europe." (Nathan Henry bio, accessed Jul. 20, 2006.)
Doug Usher, Vice President, The Mellman Group: "His most
campaign work includes Frank Lautenberg’s Senate victory in New Jersey,
the reelection campaigns of Senator Carl Levin, Representatives Steny
Hoyer and Richard Gephardt, and Milwaukee Mayor John Norquist. His
current campaign work includes the re-election campaign of Senator
Barbara Boxer, in addition to ongoing polling for the Democratic
National Committee and the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee.
His corporate work includes projects for Coca Cola and Intuit, the
makers of Quicken. He is also involved in work for a wide range of
public interest groups and labor unions, including the California
Teachers Association, the Sierra Club, the Wilderness Society, the Pew
Charitable Trusts, the Council of Great City Schools, the
Workers’ International Association, and the Trust
Health... Usher holds a Masters and Ph.D. in Government from
University, with a focus on American politics, advanced statistical
techniques and survey methodology. A portion of his dissertation was
recently published in Political Research Quarterly. While at Cornell,
he taught introductory courses in American politics, the U. S. Congress
and Constitutional Law. Originally from Washington, D.C., Usher
received a B.A. in Political Science from the University of Michigan.
Prior to joining The Mellman Group, he served as a research consultant
for Clinton-Gore ‘96, and the Democratic National Committee. He has
also been a researcher and staff writer at People for the American Way,
a non-profit constitutional liberties group, and the Capitol Group, a
lobbying firm in Washington." (Doug Usher bio, accessed Oct. 16, 2006.)
Jennifer Whelchel, former analyst, the Mellman Group: "She has
conducted both quantitative and qualitative studies for a wide range of
political, business, and non-profit clients, including Senator Barbara
Boxer, California Teachers’ Association, Presidential candidate John
Kerry, National Environmental Trust, Blue Cross Blue Shield
Association, Campaign For Tobacco-Free Kids, Coca Cola, Michigan
Governor Jennifer Granholm, Representative Nita Lowey, and the Arizona
Democratic Party. Jennifer has extensive experience in politics and
research. Before joining The Mellman Group, Jennifer served as project
coordinator for Progressive Strategies, an issue-advocacy political
consulting firm specializing in message and fundraising strategies for
non-profit organizations, political action committees and
associations. Jennifer’s research experience also includes
conducting and analyzing research for local television stations and
Internet companies for Frank N. Magid Associates. Jennifer’s
early experience in research and politics include conducting research
as an interviewer for the Iowa Social Science Institute and
media-buying for candidates and state referenda for political
media-consulting firm Fenn & King Communications during the
election cycle. Originally from Blairstown, Iowa, Jennifer graduated
with a Bachelors degree in Political Science and Communication Studies
from the University of Iowa and has a Masters degree in Political
Management from George Washington University." (Jenifer Whelchel bio,
accessed Jul. 20, 2006.)
The American Cancer Society's political advocacy group, the American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network, a 501(c)(4). As a tax-exempt 501(c)(3) non-profit, the ACS supposedly can do only "limited" lobbying and no electioneering under IRS tax rules. (In reality, the Cancer Society dictatorship doesn't have to follow any rules - their media lackeys will cover up for them.) The American Cancer Society is already a longtime lobbying fixture in every state legislature, and they are behind every local smoking ban as well. In 2004, they boast that eleven states passed or implemented tobacco tax increases, four states passed smoking bans, and 1,900 communities had smoking bans ramrodded down their throats.Home / American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network